In this article, journalist Michela Wrong covers the 32-year
presidency of Mobutu Sese Soso in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo).
Wrong is informed by the four years spent living in Mobutu’s Zaire near the end
of his presidency, as well as an interview with his former advisor. The piece
was written for Transition journal which deals with issues of politics,
ethnicity, and culture internationally. As an overseas journalist Wrong
provides an external view of Mobutu’s political regime yet time spent living under
the regime also allows her to provide an inside perspective into the downfall
of Mobutu’s Zaire.
Mobutu came to power in 1965 and remained president of Zaire
until 1997. This article deals with the particulars of his presidency as an
example of personal rule. Personal rule refers to a political environment in
which power is personalized and is concentrated in a single person. This person
then typically exercises this power in a way that deviates from recognized
norms. In a post-colonial setting such as Zaire, it is not uncommon for
personalization of power to occur. Post-colonial contexts often lack well
established institutions to which those in power are accountable to and the
norms relating to use of power have undergone constant change.
Wrong argues that, as a regime of personal rule, Mobutu’s rule
was centred around maintaining and furthering his power in Zaire rather than
betterment of the country. To have the power of the nation concentrated in one person
makes this person a target and thus much of Mobutu’s presidency was focused on
protecting against threats to his rule. As a personal ruler who gained his
power through a military coup, Mobutu was unable to rely on any particular
group or institution to defend or recognize his right to rule Zaire. As such,
the need to maintain a stable position of power was strong and Mobutu did so by
stagnating the course of politics.
The article discusses Mobutu’s strategy for protecting against
potential political conflict as ‘divide and rule’, ensuring those below him in
positions of power would not become united against his presidency. Wrong
describes the atmosphere between Mobutu’s advisors and subordinates as one of
mistrust and disorder. Mobutu held no open meetings nor discussion, instead his
advisors were received one by one which allowed him to tell his advisors what they
wanted to hear. On each issue, each advisor would receive what they thought was
Mobutu’s view point only to find out that he had contradicted himself in every
meeting. Wrong notes that it became common knowledge among his advisors
that the last person to have Mobutu’s ear would be the victor of the day. In
addition, his advisors were encouraged to inform on their colleagues thus limiting
communication and opportunities to foster allies or to mutiny.
To further consolidate his power, Mobutu commandeered the elite
forces and built them up as his presidential protection. He fostered loyalty to
himself above loyalty to the country and pumped money and resources into what
was essentially a glorified security detail. Whilst the elite forces thrived
under his rule, the larger Zairean army (Forces Armées Zairoises, FAZ) who were tasked with
protecting its citizens suffered neglect and growing corruption. FAZ Generals
were paid poorly and thus turned to illegal activities such as taking bribes or
enforcing bogus tolls to augment their salaries. As a result of this decline
Wrong claims that the military came to resemble a ‘group of armed thugs’ preying
on those they were there to protect. With the elite forces occupied in his
personal security and the FAZ underfunded and overwhelming untested in warfare,
Mobutu often looked abroad for military aid. Though a dictator and president of
a non-democratic regime, Mobutu still found himself with international allies
such as the United States, Belgium, and France. These countries assisted in
crushing rebel uprisings, sending funds and troops to the cause.
Following an attempted coup in the later years of his presidency,
Mobutu moved to tribalize the armed forces in Zaire. Mobutu executed the
traitors to his regime and then continued to remove approximately 200 people
from positions of power within the FAZ and the elite forces. He moved to those
he could trust and members of his Ngbandi tribe were promoted to fill the empty
positions. From this point on, experience and competence came second to tribal
affiliations and kin relations. Still, Mobutu could not trust even his own
tribesmen to protect his presidency and continued his divide and rule strategy,
pitting those with similar job titles against each other and creating bitter
rivalries which kept the animosity focused squarely on each other and away from
Mobutu.
Ultimately, Mobutu lost his power to those close to him. A group
of four generals seized power out from underneath and ultimately unseated him
as president shortly before his death in 1997. Though referred to as the Gang
of Four, this seizure of power was primarily orchestrated by just two of the
generals; Nzimbi Ngbale and Baramoto Kpama Kata (Mobutu’s own cousin and his commander
of the police force respectively). The Gang of Four sought to increase their
power in the country and began by gaining control of the country’s intelligence
services which they then used to control and manipulate the information relayed
to President Mobutu. Along with increasing their political power, the Gang of Four
turned to illegal weapons trade to further their wealth. Interested only in making
profit, they sold arms to both their allies and enemies alike. They
simultaneously provided the rebel opposition with arms whilst selling the FAZ’s
own weapons and assets out from under them. Mobutu found himself out-gunned and out-maneuvered.
In a situation where power is personalized, there is no
institutional nor party support for whoever holds power and as such there are
no established channels through which power is gained and held. Wrong argues
that the personalized nature of Mobutu’s rule in Zaire facilitated his preoccupation
with the respect and maintenance of his position. His easily challenged hold on
power led him to purposely stagnate the political sphere in an attempt for the
stability that his continued rule required. Though to the overwhelming
detriment of the country, Mobutu’s cultivation of chaos was successful in delaying
his inevitable unseating.
Marquez, Xavier. Non-democratic
politics: authoritarianism, dictatorship, and democratization. London:
Palgrave, 2017.
Wrong, Michela. “About the Author”. Michela Wrong. Accessed April
3, 2018. http://michelawrong.com/about-the-author/
Wrong, Michela. “The Emperor Mobutu”. Transition 9, no. 81 (2000): 92-112.
Excellent summary, Phoebe. I'm not sure what you mean by "stagnating the course of politics" or "stagnate the political sphere", though. What did you have in mind?
ReplyDeleteWhen Wrong was talking about the chaos that Mobutu created within his cabinet of advisors, she mentioned that it contributed to an inability to achieve any amount of progress within the country. Though keeping his subordinates divided prevented them from uniting against him in a coup attempt, it also put up a barrier with regards to consultation or teamwork on any large political project. Wrong argues that under Mobutu's rule Zaire found itself in a political 'stalemate' and that during this period the country was unable to make any significant advancements nor improvements to society.
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