Mobutu’s Fall from Power
This blog post focuses on Michela Wong’s article, The Emperor Mobutu, in which she tries to uncover how Zaire had fallen so deeply into crisis by 1996 that its president had fled the country, and the national army was looting its own cities. In trying to discover how things had gotten so bad in Zaire, Wong looks towards pivotal mistakes President Mobutu made in his four decades in power. She focuses primarily in Mobutu’s questionable military decisions, which she regards as the primary reason he lost control of the state.
Wong explains that Mobutu was a very distrusting man, who
was constantly concerned about anyone gaining an edge over him. This does not
come as a surprise, based on Mobutu’s own history of working against the
government before he came to power. This overwhelming distrust combined with
understanding that he was dealing with an extremely diverse society, led him to
“embrace the philosophy of divide-and-rule.” By handling things in this manner, Mobutu was able to
constantly pit people against one another, and ensure that no one under him
ever gained too much power. Mobuttu
came across as the only person who understood the whole picture, and that the
system would not function without him. While this strategy worked to make sure
no one was able to do anything to question his power, it also made it
impossible to get things done when there was a legitimate need to do so. It became evident that Mobutu’s
divide-and-rule principle was “an exercise in procrastination; inaction
elevated to an art form; a vacuum.”
This distrust led Mobutu to only have confidence in those
from his same tribe, giving high-ranking roles to those that he knew more
personally. He also invested many
of his resources into special forces, instead of the generally military. These
special forces became more about protecting the president than protecting
Zaire. As money was funneled into these forces, it was drained from the regular
army – the FAZ. In response of not
being paid well, the generals of the FAZ turned to fraud and extortion, often
stealing the salaries of their own soldiers. They became experts at getting
more money out of Mobutu, including exaggerating the number of men in their
armies. However, as the generals got richer, the army soldiers remained poor
and turned to exploiting their position of power over the average citizens.
Describing, “the army as no longer the defender of civilians, but an enemy,” it
became clear that the military was losing its credibility.
In order to maintain some semblance of power, Mobutu hired
mercenaries to help fight against the rebels, but more often than not counted
on his numerous foreign friends for help. It must be noted that when Mobutu
came to power he was backed by many democracies in the world that hoped to
control a sphere of influence in Africa through a positive relationship with Zaire.
As the Cold War continued, The US, France, and Belgium, among others, helped
Mobutu to avoid communism spreading in Africa. These friendships were very
important to Mobutu, in that he knew he always had strong forced ready to help
him if the rebels got out of hand.
The use of mercenaries and foreign aid began to make it
clear that Mobutu’s military may not be as strong as once believed. People began to perceive this weakness,
and saw it as an opportune time to take advantage of the struggling
leader. Mobutu’s strategy of only
giving power to those close to him would be his downfall, as the group referred
to as the Gang of Four, made up men close to him from marriage, friendship and
family, strategically abused their military power for financial gain. The Gang
of Four became a criminal enterprise, brilliant in scheming their way into
money and power. They were part of many money making projects, such as diamond
dealing, and counterfeit Zaire notes. However, this was the tip of the iceberg
for the group, there most damaging moves came in that of arms sales to the same
rebels they were fighting. In one of their must cunning moves, the Gang sold a
fleet of Mirage fighter jets, claiming that it was to help the president’s
helicopter fleet. The arms deals
became important on the world stage, making “Zaire a pariah in central Africa”
because rebels were now strongly armed and a serious threat to established
governments. These governments assumed that one of two things were happening:
“that either the trading was taking place with Mobutu’s backing or that
generals were acting on their own behalf – in which case he no longer
controlled the situation. Either way, it was time for Mobutu to go.”
The AFDL (Alliance des Forces Democratiques pour la
Liberation du Congo-Zaire), made up of many African nations surrounding Zaire,
quickly started to attack them for these offenses. Rather than the generals seeing a real threat to their
security, they saw an opportunity to ask for more money for supplies, and
continued to sell them for a profit. The FAZ was left with nothing to fight off
the AFDL, and more and more countries around them joined the fight to get
Mobutu out of power. Mobutu reverted back to his old tactics, and again asked
his international friends for help. However, Mobutu did not take into consider
the current political climate that had shifted drastically in the last five
years. The Berlin Wall had fell, the Cold War was over, and the US no longer
needed a country in Central Africa to ward of communism. This shift in world politics meant
Mobutu could no longer count on his previously faithful friends.
Finally, Mobutu took measures against his generals, and
hired less corrupt people to run his military. However, it was too little to
late for the president. As the
AFDL continued to move across Zaire, Mobutu left the country and died of
prostate cancer in Morocco in 1997. He left the country in shambles to his
successor Laurent-Desire Kabila, who continued to struggle to bring peace to
the area. Mobutu’s Zaire is
essential divided into two areas, one torn apart by rival rebels, and the other
policed by regional powers that would prefer to stop their military
involvement. Unfortunately, the future of the area looks bleak, as there are so
many men with guns, and there are no strong leaders negotiating peace.
Wrong, Michela. 2000. "The Emperor Mobutu." Transition no. 9 (1):92-112.
(http://www.jstor.org/stable/3137451,
Wrong, Michela. 2000. "The Emperor Mobutu." Transition no. 9 (1):92-112.
(http://www.jstor.org/stable/3137451,



Great summary Julia! Good use of pictures too.
ReplyDeleteA couple of things:
You say "pivotal mistakes President Mobutu made in his four decades in power" - but could these be "mistakes" if they enabled him to remain in power for four decades? (They were certainly bad ideas from the point of view for the Zairean population in general, but four decades is a long time in power).
You note the help the US, Belgium, and France gave Mobutu. How important you think was this to his maintenance in power relative the various "private goods" he gave to the army? (An alternative, more analytical discussion of the Mobutu regime was in the recommended radings, which might help put things in context: the Mel McNulty piece on the collapse of Zaire http://www.jstor.org/stable/161468; unfortunately it looks like nobody discussed it).
In other words, is the fact that Mobutu lasted for so long primarily despite horrendous economic mismanagement caused by his external support, or by his particular way of appeasing his "winning coalition"? Does the Mobutu regime fit what we would expect from the Bueno de Mesquita theory, for example?