[Contributory BP]
Yiyi Lu, an expert on Chinese civil society,
authored an interesting article in the Wall Street Journal about China’s selective
authoritarianism. Lu starts off by talking about Chinese Internet behavior,
and the sometimes awful content Chinese citizens have in their comments. But
her point is not the content of the activity but the type of activity, as she says, “What’s noteworthy is
that politically sensitive topics are meticulously censored inside China’s
so-called Great Firewall… [but] in contrast, when it comes to hate speech that
tramples morality and basic human decency, China’s Internet is like the
Internet everywhere else.”
Why is
this important? China is renowned for its authoritarian anti-free speech
government and policy. But Lu highlights an interesting discrepancy in practice
compared to other authoritarian countries like Singapore “where the state not
only restricts political freedoms but also heavily regulates social practices
and moral norms”. The Chinese state “concentrates
its power and resources on policing activities and behavior… [viewed] as
potentially threatening to the existing political order, but otherwise cares
much less about social or moral order.” It will call out, but not enforce
social or moral order.
For
example in one case:
“… a
woman who was stopped by a police officer for running a red light and driving
without a license plate sped up instead of getting out of the car as she was
told, carrying the officer on the hood for 1.3 kilometers until she was forced
to stop by other cars. She was charged with “interfering with public
administration” but only received a suspended sentence.”
Further
to this, other instances of government or authority interference finds backlash
in the Internet as the case is here. Influences once not so much of an issue are now danger zones in a regime’s
control on society.
Lu
states, “weak enforcement of environmental laws to difficulty in securing food
safety, can be attributed at least in part to its system of selective
authoritarianism. For the most part, only problems that are perceived as having
the potential to threaten “social stability” – and hence the regime’s stability
— are dealt with in a determined manner.” Tolerance only goes as far as what suits
the regime.
Why is
this so? In a population of 1.3 billion, Lu claims, “managing hate speech and
other forms of bad behaviour… is a tall and costly order.” To be able to
control the population to the extent of enforcing a fixed social and moral
order is out of reach of the Chinese government, something that could be put
down to resources and manpower. But what also should be included, I believe, is
the unique combination of capitalist-like economic order with its nondemocratic political order. Perhaps China cannot lean more heavily with
increasing external influences like the Internet and its balanced
political/economic structures that would work unfavourably to its international
enterprises?
But Lu
rightly states that, “in picking and choosing which issues to control, the
Communist Party risks making the wrong choices, playing catch-up when things go
unexpectedly awry and sowing resentment among people confused about which rules
are real.” Whilst Lu notes things may be changing under Xi, China’s current
premier, “if he stops short, whether for lack of will or lack of resources,
public confusion would continue to grow.” But “if he persists and succeeds in
making China’s authoritarian governance less selective, then recent discussions
about” the Chinese communist regime’s demise
is premature. Either way, too much liberalization jeopardizes the political integrity
of China, too much draconian interference, and backlash from the freer sections
of society appear, troubling the regime with potential civil unrest.
For more
see the Foreign Affairs article that looks at China’s Authoritarian Adaption
here.
For empirical perspectives on China's Adaptive Authoritarianism see here.

Good post, Grace!
ReplyDeleteI'm not entirely sure about what you mean by saying that "China cannot lean more heavily with increasing external influences like the Internet and its balanced political/economic structures that would work unfavourably to its international enterprises?" What do you have in mind?
Is "selective authoritarianism" tenable? That is, is the censorship/manipulation of information that has the potential to threaten the regime (as per the King/Pan article in the readings) compatible with a much freer, even lax, approach with respect to other norms?
Sorry a tad incomplete that sentence. I view China as being in a balance. On the one hand there is their nondemocratic authoritarian political system. This is balanced on the other hand by the more democratically-associated capitalist economic system. I meant that perhaps China cannot lean more towards strict authoritarianism (conceived like Singapore's) since external influences like the Internet, and the international trade and association encouraged by the free-market style economy can be a barrier to increasing authoritarian control (intruding into social and moral realism) by virtue of their disruptive influences. If authoritarianism is increased, it could jeopardise the capitalist economy by putting the political structures and 'oppressive' practices under international scrutiny. It could also impede it's function by restricting access and its usual functioning. On the other hand, if the authoritarianism is weakened (either by relaxed regulation or by external influences that pressure), this paves the way for political reform. China is balanced finely.
DeleteSelective authoritarianism seems to be tenable. China in a way provides an example. But the degree of this tenability is debatable. For example, an interesting question would be, given China's natural political reform over the decade, how will it transform in the future (if at all)? Is there a greater risk as globalisation increases interconnectedness and interdependence (and all associated consequences), can China sustain it's current balance? If a major disruptive political or economic event occurs, will it adjust to cope with the demand (and if so, temporarily or will it invite more permanent reform)? Will Chinese be content with restrictions as they currently present, or will there be a push to liberate incrementally? An interesting consideration for this last question is that the Chinese government may 'recruit' young people and encourage a commitment or loyalty to the regime where issues like Internet freedom aren't an issue. take young Chinese hackers recruited by the government to hack U.S. computers. By creating the 'other' as a target, and a sense of investment in the regime and usefulness (being part of something bigger), may be useful tools of the regime to sidestep the issue of citizen liberty demands.
Grace - but Singapore is pretty connected to the internet, and highly capitalist. If anything, external influences have more effect on Singapore than on China China is too big and powerful a country to be much affected by external condemnation/pressure. (It's not as if China needs aid, for example). Great powers aren't very susceptible to international condemnation.
Delete"Capitalism" is not something just associated with democratic countries. Most authoritarian regimes have capitalist economic systems.
My point isn't that Singapore isn't connected to the Internet, but that the conditioning of society and the restrictions and top-down influence in social and moral norms in Singapore is different compared to China that, with lack of social and moral restrictions and conditioning (formally), combined with influences like the Internet mean there is a private sphere present in China where dissent can grow and be organised. Whether or not it comes to fruition is another matter.
DeleteFair point about China's strength and size. I was perhaps being too optimistic to think that such influences would be a large enough concern to inflict change or disrupt China's systems.
Regarding capitalism, I understand it isn't just connected to democratic countries, China is a case and point. But the interesting mix of authoritarianism and capitalism creates the possibility for some different tensions in priorities that perhaps aren't present in capitalist democratic societies. Such tensions can pose challenges to the interaction between economics and politics.