Monday, 11 May 2015

China’s Selective Authoritarianism

[Contributory BP]

Yiyi Lu, an expert on Chinese civil society, authored an interesting article in the Wall Street Journal about China’s selective authoritarianism. Lu starts off by talking about Chinese Internet behavior, and the sometimes awful content Chinese citizens have in their comments. But her point is not the content of the activity but the type of activity, as she says, “What’s noteworthy is that politically sensitive topics are meticulously censored inside China’s so-called Great Firewall… [but] in contrast, when it comes to hate speech that tramples morality and basic human decency, China’s Internet is like the Internet everywhere else.”

Why is this important? China is renowned for its authoritarian anti-free speech government and policy. But Lu highlights an interesting discrepancy in practice compared to other authoritarian countries like Singapore “where the state not only restricts political freedoms but also heavily regulates social practices and moral norms”. The Chinese state concentrates its power and resources on policing activities and behavior… [viewed] as potentially threatening to the existing political order, but otherwise cares much less about social or moral order.” It will call out, but not enforce social or moral order.

For example in one case:

“… a woman who was stopped by a police officer for running a red light and driving without a license plate sped up instead of getting out of the car as she was told, carrying the officer on the hood for 1.3 kilometers until she was forced to stop by other cars. She was charged with “interfering with public administration” but only received a suspended sentence.”

Further to this, other instances of government or authority interference finds backlash in the Internet as the case is here. Influences once not so much of an issue are now danger zones in a regime’s control on society.

Lu states, “weak enforcement of environmental laws to difficulty in securing food safety, can be attributed at least in part to its system of selective authoritarianism. For the most part, only problems that are perceived as having the potential to threaten “social stability” – and hence the regime’s stability — are dealt with in a determined manner.” Tolerance only goes as far as what suits the regime.

Why is this so? In a population of 1.3 billion, Lu claims, “managing hate speech and other forms of bad behaviour… is a tall and costly order.” To be able to control the population to the extent of enforcing a fixed social and moral order is out of reach of the Chinese government, something that could be put down to resources and manpower. But what also should be included, I believe, is the unique combination of capitalist-like economic order with its nondemocratic political order. Perhaps China cannot lean more heavily with increasing external influences like the Internet and its balanced political/economic structures that would work unfavourably to its international enterprises?

But Lu rightly states that, “in picking and choosing which issues to control, the Communist Party risks making the wrong choices, playing catch-up when things go unexpectedly awry and sowing resentment among people confused about which rules are real.” Whilst Lu notes things may be changing under Xi, China’s current premier, “if he stops short, whether for lack of will or lack of resources, public confusion would continue to grow.” But “if he persists and succeeds in making China’s authoritarian governance less selective, then recent discussions about” the Chinese communist regime’s demise is premature. Either way, too much liberalization jeopardizes the political integrity of China, too much draconian interference, and backlash from the freer sections of society appear, troubling the regime with potential civil unrest.

Original article link here.

For more see the Foreign Affairs article that looks at China’s Authoritarian Adaption here.

For empirical perspectives on China's Adaptive Authoritarianism see here.

4 comments:

  1. Good post, Grace!

    I'm not entirely sure about what you mean by saying that "China cannot lean more heavily with increasing external influences like the Internet and its balanced political/economic structures that would work unfavourably to its international enterprises?" What do you have in mind?

    Is "selective authoritarianism" tenable? That is, is the censorship/manipulation of information that has the potential to threaten the regime (as per the King/Pan article in the readings) compatible with a much freer, even lax, approach with respect to other norms?

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    1. Sorry a tad incomplete that sentence. I view China as being in a balance. On the one hand there is their nondemocratic authoritarian political system. This is balanced on the other hand by the more democratically-associated capitalist economic system. I meant that perhaps China cannot lean more towards strict authoritarianism (conceived like Singapore's) since external influences like the Internet, and the international trade and association encouraged by the free-market style economy can be a barrier to increasing authoritarian control (intruding into social and moral realism) by virtue of their disruptive influences. If authoritarianism is increased, it could jeopardise the capitalist economy by putting the political structures and 'oppressive' practices under international scrutiny. It could also impede it's function by restricting access and its usual functioning. On the other hand, if the authoritarianism is weakened (either by relaxed regulation or by external influences that pressure), this paves the way for political reform. China is balanced finely.

      Selective authoritarianism seems to be tenable. China in a way provides an example. But the degree of this tenability is debatable. For example, an interesting question would be, given China's natural political reform over the decade, how will it transform in the future (if at all)? Is there a greater risk as globalisation increases interconnectedness and interdependence (and all associated consequences), can China sustain it's current balance? If a major disruptive political or economic event occurs, will it adjust to cope with the demand (and if so, temporarily or will it invite more permanent reform)? Will Chinese be content with restrictions as they currently present, or will there be a push to liberate incrementally? An interesting consideration for this last question is that the Chinese government may 'recruit' young people and encourage a commitment or loyalty to the regime where issues like Internet freedom aren't an issue. take young Chinese hackers recruited by the government to hack U.S. computers. By creating the 'other' as a target, and a sense of investment in the regime and usefulness (being part of something bigger), may be useful tools of the regime to sidestep the issue of citizen liberty demands.

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    2. Grace - but Singapore is pretty connected to the internet, and highly capitalist. If anything, external influences have more effect on Singapore than on China China is too big and powerful a country to be much affected by external condemnation/pressure. (It's not as if China needs aid, for example). Great powers aren't very susceptible to international condemnation.

      "Capitalism" is not something just associated with democratic countries. Most authoritarian regimes have capitalist economic systems.

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    3. My point isn't that Singapore isn't connected to the Internet, but that the conditioning of society and the restrictions and top-down influence in social and moral norms in Singapore is different compared to China that, with lack of social and moral restrictions and conditioning (formally), combined with influences like the Internet mean there is a private sphere present in China where dissent can grow and be organised. Whether or not it comes to fruition is another matter.

      Fair point about China's strength and size. I was perhaps being too optimistic to think that such influences would be a large enough concern to inflict change or disrupt China's systems.

      Regarding capitalism, I understand it isn't just connected to democratic countries, China is a case and point. But the interesting mix of authoritarianism and capitalism creates the possibility for some different tensions in priorities that perhaps aren't present in capitalist democratic societies. Such tensions can pose challenges to the interaction between economics and politics.

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