The key to Inglehart’s argument is that a particular
kind of political culture, combined with a degree of ongoing prosperity is
essential for a sustainable democracy. His points boiled down to the process;
Economic
development
=
Increased
frequency of self-expression values in the political culture
=
Increased
levels of democracy
The importance of a political culture with self-expression
values is that it creates an environment in which sustained democracy can
successfully thrive. He emphasizes that self-expression values are even more
important than the public expression of support for the idea of democracy
itself, which has a relatively low correlation with successfully realised
democracy in the long term as shown by comparing data from the World Values
Survey/European Values Survey with national Freedom House ratings over a given
period and specific years.
In essence expressing support for values
which are inherent to the democratic process is far more valuable to that
process than an individual simply saying the democracy is a good way to run
their country. This arises because individuals do not necessarily believe in or
support the realisation of democratic fundamentals such as equal rights across
all societal groups. For instance Inglehart specifically references views on
Homosexuals, showing that while the idea of democracy may be pleasant, the
reality is not so favorable when they are forced to confront the rights of
individuals who would make up the opposition.
Economic Development
Inglehart also emphasises the importance of
economic development to a successful democracy, however he refutes the presumed
causation link. Using examples such as Kuwait to show that while sustainable
democracies are found in countries with relative economic development, economic
success does not guarantee the presence of a democracy. Economic development allows
for the assertion of postmaterialist values and social progression from
survival to self-expression. Individual economic security creates an
environment in which alternative concerns such as freedom of expression and
political activism become important. According to Inglehart this then leads to
mass liberalisation demands and direct political participation.
Furthermore Inglehart logically asserts
that a system associated with economic prosperity gains more the support, its
institutions therefore are more stable and its longevity increases
phenomenally. Whereas a political system that is associated with economic
mismanagement and disaster is soon replaced by another that appears to have a
better solution to the economic issues which become paramount as individual
security is compromised.
Specific Values
The first values addressed by Inglehart are
interpersonal trust and tolerance. Both of which are essential for a
functioning democracy. Without tolerance for the opposition and for the rights
of those we dislike a democracy does not last long, one group inevitably
choosing to assert its position over the other, as seen in the Rwanda Genocide
of 1995. There must also be a degree of trust between not only other societal
groups by the public but between competitive potential government parties. If
the ruling group does not believe that the opposition will also follow the
rules of the democracy, leaving gracefully in the event that they lose the next
election then the entire power structure stops functioning.
Empirical Data
Because of the now extensive nature of
empirical research programs providing data from more than 70 countries,
academics can now analytically compare a broad range of political and
socio-economic environments, creating truly global conclusions for the first
time.
It is using this data that Inglehart is
able to contradict long held assumptions about both Islamic and Asian cultural
values. The historic notion was that both of these cultures where inherently
incapable of successfully adopting a democracy. However as the Support for
Democracy table shows democracy holds a strong appeal in the Islamic world, not
only that but when surveyed the populations of Islamic countries where on
average 10% less in favor of a strong leader who doesn’t need elections than
citizens of the USA (Table 2). On the subject of Asian values Inglehart points
to the position of Japan and even south Korea to emphasise the transitional
ability of Asian nations, a further explanation can be found at this link - http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/asian-values.html#INTRODUCTION.
Criticisms
However Inglehart does not address anomalies
such as China, or the lack of this pattern historically in what are now
high-ranking democracies. This could arise from a lack of emphasis on the type
of economic development that occurs.
For instance Inglehart does not mention the
results (or lack of) of economic and social satisfaction as can be seen in
Singapore, which although far from a democracy appears to be an extremely well
functioning society, with in many cases world leading economic and social
practices, and technological development. Without dissatisfaction driving a
desire for change there is little incentive to adopt democracy or in fact any new
political system. A similar occurrence trends in oil rich middle eastern
countries where the ability to fund popularity prevents mass demands for
change, even in the face of social conditions considered barbaric by western
standards. To some extent it is also possible to say the same for China.
Although obviously in both instances there is a lot to be said for
authoritarian control mechanisms. From this it is possible to surmise that
economic prosperity is helpful in producing a democracy only to the degree that
it allows individuals enough resource accumulation to demand more from their
social environment. In cases where economic needs are entirely (or at least
mostly) met we can see a lack of incentive to change the status quo, and risk
generous economic security.
Confining the examples to the UK and
America, the origins of their democracies are far from illustrious – in both
cases voting was restricted to the upper classes, rampant discrimination and
nepotism occurred and yet both have managed to develop (over hundreds of years)
into leading world examples of the democratic system. Because of this it seems illogical
to assume that the only lasting democracies are ones that start off as good
ones, instead the slow adoption of mass power in response to growing public
demand seems to be an equally worthwhile endeavour to jumping in fully prepped,
even in countries where political culture seems compatible.
Emily Anselmi
300311494
Good summary, Emily.
ReplyDeleteA couple of points. Why do you say that " a political system that is associated with economic mismanagement and disaster is soon replaced by another that appears to have a better solution to the economic issues which become paramount as individual security is compromised"? Many economically disastrous authoritarian systems have lasted for long (Mobutu in Zaire/DRC - 32 years; Qaddafi in Libya - 42 years).
Singapore is not especially authoritarian as political systems go, but you are right that when things are going well people everywhere have little incentive to change their political system. The question may be about what happens when things go badly: do you have more of a chance of a successful transition to democracy if your society has certain values?
Why is China an anomaly? Chinese citizens seem to express high levels of support for democracy (as some of the other articles in this week's readings report), and China, though growing fast, is not yet a rich country in per capita terms (it's barely getting to the "transition zone", where many countries have often transitioned to democracy).
What is there to be said for authoritarian control mechanisms?