In the reading, ‘After Egypt: The Limits and Promise of
Online Challenges to the Authoritarian Arab State,’ Marc Lynch talks about the
effect media has on political protest in Arab states.
Firstly, Lynch uses Egypt in 2011 as an example of media
being prominent in the formation of political activity and protests. The
planned protest on Facebook caused a massive, society-wide mobilization which
drove Mubarek and his regime away from power. However, only two years later the
President who was appointed as a result of the protests in 2011, resigned from
office. This reveals that social media can spread messages of disapproval
concerning a regime but when it comes to implementing a new and people-approved
regime the protests can only go so far. Lynch puts the increasing political
action through the media to a global trend towards democratization and demands
for democracy from within and abroad. This demand for democracy and the introduction
of globalisation contributes to the effect the media has in terms of political
protest, as Lynch explains later in the passage.
Lynch focuses on the four pathways to change which attempt
to explain the way new media can be seen as challenging the power of Arab
states. The first pathway is titled, contentious collective action and
describes the way in which the media can contribute to collective action being
taken. Lynch firstly talks about how collective action through the media, can
lower the costs in terms of lowering risk of exposure by sharing their beliefs
in a “semi-public setting”. Lynch says that by using these social media
outlets, the issue surrounding atomization and social isolation is overcome. People
who are scared of the consequences of speaking out against a regime feel a
sense of secrecy and security through social media. Therefore sites such as
Facebook and Twitter encourage political action to occur in states which
enforce political conformity and silence. Examples include Bahrain where
internet forums were used by protesters expressing their anger surrounding the
manipulation of elections and the clampdown of activists. These cyber protests
are often limited to the internet and often do not result in extensive
political protest because of the fear surrounding authoritarian regimes. However,
this ideas was challenged during January 2011, in Egypt. When the Egyptian
regime shut down the internet in January 2011 to try and attempt to stop the
widespread criticism of the government the protests moved onto the streets of
Cairo, rather than being abandoned and staying online.
The mechanisms of repression are the second pathway
mentioned by Lynch which can be considered to upgrade Arab authoritarianism.
The way in which states have responded to the increase in media associated political
action are technical and selective. States such as China have placed
limitations on what websites the public can go on. Only recently has the
Chinese government lifted the ban on foreign ‘politically sensitive’ websites
and this only applies in the state of Shanghai. (Link) Facebook can be used as a
way of displaying people’s political affiliations thus spreading the support
for a political party. However this information can be used by regimes to
identify opponents to a regime, such as Iran in 2009. Only a few weeks ago did
Iran open up the access to Twitter and Facebook since 2009, which was greeted
with many tweets and updates. (Link) Media, specifically social media, can be used by the protesters to ignite
popular support for their political stance, but this opens the possibility of
being found out by authoritarian regimes.
Lynch, attributes a new kind of Arab public sphere to the
Al-Jazeera television network. Al Jazeera was the first to fuel “political
protest movements, which used the Qatari television station to spread their
messages to break through domestic censorship, and to protect themselves from
the worst of regime repression.” Al Jazeera was also the broadcaster who aired
Osama bin Laden’s 9/11 confession video in 2004. International attention and
alliances is the third pathway, and describes how the media can influence
international attitudes and attention towards a particular country. During the
conflict in Libya, the American attitude changed when images surfaced on Al
Jazeera of violence occurring in the country. This change in attitude helped to
reveal the importance of the issue in Libya, in terms of American and
International politics.
The last pathway is the Public Sphere. According to
Lynch the role the internet played in the 2011 Egyptian uprisings will in the
longer term “empower and transform the nature of the public sphere in authoritarian
Arab societies.” This transformation of the public sphere will encourage
transparency in societies ravaged by authority. The media drives a new
information environment. This environment demands for accountability and
transparency and citizenship long denied by the authoritarian Arab state can be
effectively pressed. The youth of today, are becoming more internet savvy.
Evading firewalls and bans on Bluetooth are becoming common knowledge within
the Arab youth. This illustrates the changing nature of evading state control
over communication and information.
Although Lynch identifies the four pathways as ways in which
the media is challenging authoritarian ism he plays down the effect the media
has on the political stage. Lynch explains that it is all well having
social-media-based forms of political organization, but without party elites
major weaknesses appear when the “time comes for negotiating the terms of
democratic transition and especially for dealing with the enormous challenge of
governing in the wake of a change of regime.” The events in Egypt are a perfect
example of this. Once Mubarek had gone the army came in and asserted
authoritarian rule on the Egyptian people, just like Mubarek. Lynch still
suggests that “there is a strong correlation and environmental case to be made
that this new information environment empowers political and social activism.”
The new social media environment empowers individuals to coordinate,
communicate, and circumvent state censorship and repression to fundamentally
shift the balance of social power away from authoritarian states or hierarchies
of any kind.
Overall the author believes that the media does have a small
influence when it comes to political change, but no wholesale differences such
as a change in regime are a result of media impact. According to Lynch, the
purpose of using the media would be to shatter the ability of regimes to
control the flow of information, opinions, images and ideas. However
restrictions and censorship are placed on media when the power of the regime is
threatened, revealing just how authoritarian a state is.
In my opinion, the impact of media is reliant on the idea of
globalisation. Youtube allows political messages to spread and expose the
dictatorial nature of an authoritarian regime. Youtube brings the world closer
together, and a video from one side of the world can be seen on the other side
of the world at any time. International media outlets often gain information
regarding authoritarian regimes from videos of violence uploaded to Youtube. Videos
placed on Youtube can therefore ignite international attention, and action by
the international community can be forthcoming. Whether the international
community acts is an entirely different topic. What can be guaranteed is that the
new information environment brings with it an increasing difficulty for regimes
to limit and censor the amount of information attributed to their dictatorial
regimes. The ways in which regimes censor this information are becoming more
intelligent and devious. Who is going to win the technology race is an interesting
issue.
However, I agree with Lynch when he raises the point about
the people having a very limited influence when it comes to significant change in
a country surrounded by authoritarianism. Once political change is accomplished
then the people of a country are highly unlikely to implement complete reform, because
they are just that, people. They hold no power in countries which are encircled
by an autocratic society. The media can challenge the way in which an authoritarian
Arab state operates, but this is the limit of its influence.
Matt, thanks for this summary. Good work extracting some of the key ideas. A couple of comments.
ReplyDelete1) What do you mean by your last sentence? Are you talking about the limit of the media's influence, or the people's influence?
2) Youtube is nice when it is not blocked or when most of the population has access to it. But what if the population doesn't? Consider a case like Yemen, which had its own revolution that overthrew president Saleh in 2011-2012. This revolution was still influenced by al-Jazeera and so on, but Yemen is a poor country that has little access to the internet for most people. Do you think the new media also help there? How?
3) Why is "action by the international community" the main form of action you consider? Isn't action by organized groups within a society much more powerful and direct?