Monday, 9 September 2024

Week 8 EBP


 How to Subvert Democracy: Montesinos in Peru  

This paper is a political science analysis within the‘Journal of Economic Perspectives, which summarizes how Vladimiro Montesinos, Peru's secret police chief under President Fujimori, systematically bribed judges, politicians, and media outlets to undermine democracy while maintaining its facade. 

The main thesis of this reading is that television was the most powerful check on government corruption in Peru during the Fujimori regime, as evidenced by the size of bribes paid by Montesinos to control different institutions. The media’s (specifically television stations) power stemmed from its ability to inform citizens and create common knowledge of government misdeeds, which could spark coordinated action against the regime. While other institutions like the judiciary and opposition parties were important, the media could provide oversight even when other checks had broken down. Montesinos kept detailed records of his bribes, including contracts and videotapes. Bribes to television channel owners were about 100 times larger than those to politicians, which were somewhat larger than bribes to judges, A single TV channel's bribe was five times larger than the total bribes to opposition politicians. 

 

The facade of democracy in Peru under Fujimori and Montesinos ultimately fell due to a series of events centered around the exposure of corruption through television. The collapse began when two opposition congressmen, Luis Iberico and Fernando Olivera, obtained a videotape showing Montesinos bribing congressman Kouri. This tape was initially shown at a press conference in a Lima hotel on September 14, 2000.  Montesinos initially attempted to control the situation by threatening television owners to downplay the story, however, the sole unbought television channel, Cable Channel N, began repeatedly broadcasting the video. This prompted other television channels to break ranks and start airing the Kouri videotape as well, despite Montesinos's intimidation. The widespread broadcasting of the incriminating video led to a rapid implosion of the regime. Fujimori threatened to fire Montesinos, who in turn threatened to "set the prairie on fire" with his collection of incriminating videotapes. Exposing corruption through television sparked a popular uprising, leading to the government's toppling. This sequence of events demonstrates the crucial role that television played in bringing down the corrupt regime, validating Montesinos's fear of television's power and his efforts to control it. 

 

The writers are attempting to provide a political science analysis of how democracy can be subverted, using Peru under Fujimori as a case study. This paper is not merely a historical account or journalistic report, but rather an academic examination of the relative importance of different democratic institutions in constraining authoritarian power. The authors use empirical evidence from Montesinos's bribe records to quantify the strength of various checks and balances. Their main claim intervenes in debates about democratic institutions by suggesting media freedom may be more crucial than previously thought. While not overtly controversial, this conclusion challenges conventional wisdom that formal institutions like courts or legislatures are the primary safeguards of democracy. Overall, the piece aims to contribute new insights to political science theories about democratic stability and authoritarian control. The study illustrates the concept of "competitive authoritarianism" where elections and democratic institutions exist but are manipulated. The reading explains several useful aspects of politics in dictatorial regimes and illustrates important theoretical ideas about democratic institutions. It demonstrates how an authoritarian government can subvert democracy while maintaining its outward appearance, revealing the vulnerability of democratic checks and balances. The case study of Peru under Fujimori illustrates the interdependent-ness of democratic institutions, showing how weakening one check can undermine others. It also highlights the critical role of media, particularly television, in enabling citizen oversight and coordination against authoritarian actions 

 

The paper effectively illustrates the crucial role of media, particularly television, in maintaining democratic checks and balances. The reading's main strength lies in its innovative use of bribe data to quantify the relative importance of democratic institutions. This approach provides unique insights into how authoritarian regimes undermine democracy. However, the reliance on bribe amounts as a sole measure of institutional importance may also oversimplify complex political dynamics. As the paper focuses heavily on Peru, it could potentially limit its generalizability Additionally, the paper could benefit from a more in-depth exploration of how citizens' actions ultimately led to the regime's downfall. 

 

This paper primarily uses a case study methodology, focusing on Peru under the Fujimori regime, to analyze how democratic institutions can be subverted. The authors employ a unique empirical approach by utilizing Montesinos's bribe records and videotapes as primary data sources, using the bribe amounts as a quantitative measure to assess the relative importance of different democratic institutions. This allows the authors to compare the "prices" of various checks and balances, revealing television as the most expensive to control. Additionally, the authors use comparative analysis to some extent, contrasting the bribe amounts across different institutions. This multi-faceted methodological approach combines empirical data analysis with theoretical reasoning to support the authors' conclusions about the crucial role of media in constraining authoritarian power. 

 

McMillan, J., & Zoido, P. (2004). How to Subvert Democracy: Montesinos in Peru. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 18(4), 69–92. https://doi.org/10.1257/0895330042632690 

3 comments:

  1. This comment has been removed by the author.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I thought this reading was really interesting as I had never considered the media to be a bigger check and balance thank other governmental institutions. While the government, orchestrated the bribery to subvert democratic checks, it is crucial to consider the complicity of the media outlets in aiding this corruption. Why were so many media stations willing to bend the law and assist in undermining democratic institutions? What incentives or pressures led them to accept bribes? Was it purely financial, or were there other coercive measures or ideological factors at play? I think the reading could of been strengthened by exploring whether the media outlets were held accountable once the regime collapsed or whether they continued to thrive.

      Delete
  2. This is interesting when looked at it through the lens of what Roberts (2018) has put forward about the use of flooding and as censorship tool. Not only in the way of the media flooding consumers with a certain type of information /misinformation to distract from the real state of affairs / other more sensitive kinds of information. But also the way that the state floods and therefore guides the media distributors - in this case through bribery - in order to then shape public consciousness

    ReplyDelete